RALEIGH, N.C. — When Republicans took control of virtually every lever of North Carolina’s state government for the first time since Reconstruction, they set out to transform the historically moderate Southern state into a more conservative stronghold.
That was less than seven years ago.
These days, the question is how much Republicans may have set their project back with a recent string of remarkable self-inflicted wounds.
“It’s never a dull moment with the Republicans here,” said Morgan Jackson, a Democratic strategist and an ally of Gov. Roy Cooper, the Democrat whose November 2016 election was helped along by the protracted fight over a Republican-backed bill limiting the bathroom choices of transgender people. “Every time we think it can’t get worse, they figure out a way to dig deeper.”
This week, federal prosecutors announced that the chairman of the state’s Republican Party, Robin Hayes, had been indicted on charges of bribery and other crimes related to a scheme they said was designed to aid a major donor, who was also charged. The revelation came almost six weeks after Republicans faced the rare embarrassment of watching their seeming victory in a congressional race unravel after it became clear that their nominee had financed an illicit voter-turnout effort.
[Read: Inside a Fly-by-Night Operation to Harvest Ballots in North Carolina]
For the state’s Republicans, who rose to power by railing against cases of Democratic corruption and promising to be a positive disrupting force, the fresh scandals amount to a staggering record of self-disruption.
For the state’s liberals, it has been a moment to bask in schadenfreude. Over the last several years, they watched and warred with North Carolina Republicans amid aggressive conservative efforts to deregulate industry, play down climate change, curtail access to the ballot box, strip a Democratic governor of some executive powers, launch their so-called “bathroom bill” and gerrymander districts in ways that made the courts recoil.
Republicans won some of those fights and lost others, but the hard-right turn plunged the state into years of intense partisan warfare rife with high-profile boycotts and large-scale public demonstrations.
It is this record, and the recent bouts with scandal, that could also affect state and national elections next year.
Mr. Cooper will be up for re-election, as will Senator Thom Tillis, a Republican whose delicate political situation was recently underscored by his opposition to — then eventual support of — President Trump’s controversial executive action to fund a border wall.
And once again, this battleground state will be up for grabs in a presidential race — one that will unfold as Charlotte, the state’s largest city, hosts the Republican National Convention, where Mr. Trump is likely to make his case for re-election.
But there is also a chance that Democrats might end up ensnared in the most recent federal probe.
The donor who was charged, Greg E. Lindberg, the chairman of an investment firm in Durham, gave money to both parties. In the indictment unsealed Tuesday, federal prosecutors said Mr. Lindberg worked with Mr. Hayes to bribe the state insurance commissioner, Mike Causey, with campaign donations in the hopes that Mr. Causey would replace a state regulator who oversaw a company that Mr. Lindberg owned.
Mr. Hayes, who is a former congressman, Mr. Lindberg and two other men who were charged pleaded not guilty on Tuesday in appearances before a federal magistrate in Charlotte.
Mr. Causey, a Republican, tipped off federal investigators about possible corruption and later worked closely with them during their protracted inquiry. In an interview on Wednesday, Mr. Causey said he did not expect Republicans to be alone in facing the fallout.
“This is certainly not a party thing,” Mr. Causey said, adding, “I think when the facts come out, you’re going to see both parties in the same boat.”
Mr. Causey would not elaborate, and a spokeswoman for the F.B.I. declined to comment.
Although the indictment focused on Mr. Lindberg’s dealings with Republicans, his ties to Democrats have also been under scrutiny in recent months.
Wayne Goodwin, a former insurance commissioner who is now chairman of the North Carolina Democratic Party, accepted donations from Mr. Lindberg and later consulted for him. Mr. Goodwin told The Wall Street Journal this year that he was not a target of the federal inquiry, with which he said he cooperated.
The speculation around Mr. Goodwin, who has not been charged, did not keep his state party operation from taking a gleeful swing at its opponent. In a statement, Democrats mashed the scandals together and also nodded to the turmoil surrounding Representative Mark Walker, a North Carolina Republican whose ties to Mr. Lindberg were referenced in the indictment that became public this week. (Mr. Walker was not charged with a crime and was not identified by name in the indictment.)
“Bribery. Election fraud. Witness tampering. Lying to the F.B.I.,” Wednesday’s Democratic Party statement declared, adding that 2019 would be the year when “North Carolina Republicans’ corruption finally became public” and the party’s leading figures “became fully engulfed in chaos.”
Carter Wrenn, a longtime Republican consultant in North Carolina, said the allegations of chicanery created “a smell in the air and around the Republican Party.” The party, he said, would do well to try to quickly isolate the scandals.
Indeed, the Republican Party played down the idea of chaos, even as it moved to put a limited distance between itself and the accused. In a statement on Wednesday, it said Mr. Hayes had “relinquished most of his day-to-day duties” and that another Republican leader, Aubrey Woodard, had been named acting chairman. On Monday, the day before his indictment became public, Mr. Hayes said he planned to step down later this year as party chairman, citing his health.
The indictment is a dramatic turn of events for Mr. Hayes, 73, a former State House majority whip whose family founded the Cannon Mills textiles company, and who has long been an advocate of integrating biblical principles into state government. He opposes abortion and was criticized, in an unsuccessful 1996 run for governor, for supporting a sex education curriculum that promoted abstinence and recommended cleaning genitals with Lysol disinfectant after sex.
To critics, the new instability is a consequence of the party’s years of dominance, when they controlled the Executive Mansion and had a supermajority in the General Assembly.
“Until this year there’s been literally no check on these folks, except for the courts,” said Allison Riggs, a senior lawyer at the Southern Coalition for Social Justice who has been involved in fighting Republican redistricting efforts in North Carolina.
Pat McCrory, a business-minded former Charlotte mayor, was elected governor in 2012 and helped cement Republican power in North Carolina. But the party’s state legislative leaders often set the aggressive tone. In March 2016, Republicans led the charge on the law that became known as H.B. 2, which curbed legal protections for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people and set new restrictions on transgender bathroom use.
The resulting national backlash, with boycotts and threats of boycotts, allowed Mr. Cooper, who was then challenging Mr. McCrory, to argue that Republicans were harming the business climate. In November 2016, on a night when Mr. Trump won the state, Mr. Cooper did, too, by a slim margin. A few months later, he and the Legislature arrived at a compromise to repeal the law.
Last year, the Republicans’ power was further weakened when they lost their veto-proof majorities in the Legislature.
But they are majorities still, proof of the continued power of conservative ideas in North Carolina.
In an interview in his office on Wednesday, Senator Phil Berger, the president pro tempore of the North Carolina Senate and long one of the most influential Republicans in the state, cautioned against drawing immediate conclusions about how the scandals would influence voters.
Still, he acknowledged that it was “frustrating” that scandals were so often overshadowing Republican policy achievements.
“Stepping on a rake,” Mr. Berger said with a light chuckle. “I see it as some Republicans doing something that creates problems for the vast majority of Republicans who haven’t done anything wrong.”B:
今天开码结果开奖【这】【是】【信】【仰】【崩】【塌】【的】【时】【代】，【人】【们】【失】【去】【住】【所】【失】【去】【城】【镇】，【沦】【为】【黑】【暗】【废】【墟】【中】【游】【离】【的】【怪】【物】。 【这】【不】【是】【神】【灵】【被】【铭】【记】【的】【时】【代】，【随】【着】【信】【徒】【分】【化】，【祭】【祀】【寡】【少】，【众】【神】【早】【已】【成】【为】【象】【征】。 【他】【以】“【狂】【乱】”【为】【名】，【行】【走】【于】【黑】【暗】【之】【上】，【漫】【步】【于】【深】【渊】【之】【中】。 【唯】【有】【狂】【乱】，【方】【能】**【狂】【乱】！ “【我】【只】【是】【个】【普】【通】【的】【心】【理】【医】【生】，【门】【口】【排】【队】【的】【邪】【神】【你】【们】【不】【要】【进】
【琉】【璃】【大】【声】【的】【说】【着】，【虽】【然】【琉】【璃】【的】【声】【音】【很】【大】，【但】【是】【琉】【璃】【奶】【声】【奶】【气】【的】【样】【子】【一】【点】【也】【不】【让】【人】【害】【怕】【啊】！【听】【了】【琉】【璃】【的】【话】，【姬】【云】【鹤】【大】【声】【的】【叫】【了】【起】【来】！ “【那】【你】【想】【怎】【么】【样】？【你】【觉】【得】【你】【留】【下】【来】【能】【解】【决】【什】【么】【吗】？【你】【走】【吧】！【马】【上】【走】！” 【姬】【云】【鹤】【大】【声】【的】【吼】【着】，【但】【是】【姬】【云】【鹤】【的】【话】【似】【乎】【根】【本】【就】【没】【有】【让】【琉】【璃】【放】【在】【心】【上】，【琉】【璃】【只】【是】【一】【直】【往】【姬】【云】【鹤】【的】【方】【向】【蹦】
“【你】【就】【不】【能】【想】【想】【他】【能】【去】【哪】【吗】？【我】【要】【你】【来】【有】【什】【么】【用】？”【安】【薄】【枝】【给】【陈】【屿】【泽】【下】【难】【题】。 “【我】……【我】【怎】【么】【做】【也】【不】【行】【了】【是】【吧】？”【陈】【屿】【泽】【难】【过】【委】【屈】【脸】。 “【你】【说】【他】【是】【不】【是】【出】【去】【了】？”【安】【薄】【枝】【焦】【急】【地】【问】。“【那】【很】【容】【易】【走】【丢】【的】，【毕】【竟】【连】【我】【们】【都】【还】【没】【彻】【底】【弄】【清】【这】【座】【小】【镇】【身】【怀】【的】【秘】【密】。【让】【一】【个】【外】【国】【人】【去】【探】【索】【吧】。” 【陈】【屿】【泽】【摇】【摇】【头】，“【应】
【搜】【索】【作】【者】【或】【者】【搜】【索】【作】【品】【名】《【走】【进】【游】【戏】》【可】【以】【看】【到】。 【拖】【这】【么】【久】【是】【因】【为】【灌】【水】……【海】【习】【惯】【了】【结】【果】【四】【易】【其】【稿】，【写】【废】【了】【十】【来】【万】【字】。 【第】【四】【稿】【我】【依】【然】【觉】【得】【有】【点】【水】…… 【看】【名】【字】【就】【知】【道】【依】【然】【是】【穿】【越】【游】【戏】【世】【界】【的】，【因】【为】【这】【本】【书】【后】【期】【写】【的】【非】【常】【崩】，【一】【些】【原】【本】【的】【想】【法】【完】【全】【写】【不】【出】【来】，【干】【脆】【就】【开】【新】【坑】【了】。 【至】【于】【这】【本】【书】，【我】【肯】【定】【会】【完】【本】今天开码结果开奖【两】【日】【后】，【苏】【研】【青】【和】【萧】【焜】【下】【了】【飞】，【刚】【刚】【踏】【入】Z【国】【的】【土】【地】，【他】【们】【因】【眼】【前】【的】【景】【象】【所】【惊】【呆】【了】。 【虽】【然】【新】【闻】【报】【道】【上】【也】【有】【很】【多】【视】【频】【和】【照】【片】，【但】【是】【事】【实】【的】【情】【况】【远】【比】【看】【到】【的】【视】【频】【更】【加】【惨】【烈】。 【很】【多】【市】【民】【都】【被】【蒙】【蔽】【了】，【甚】【至】【有】【一】【些】【有】【了】【异】【能】【的】【人】【开】【始】【报】【复】【以】【前】【欺】【负】【自】【己】【的】【人】。 【更】【有】【甚】【者】【认】【为】【自】【己】【已】【经】【无】【人】【能】【敌】，【竟】【然】【去】【个】【大】【地】【方】【抢】【东】【西】。
【怀】【着】【疑】【惑】，【莫】【言】【珅】【吩】【咐】【手】【下】【的】【人】【进】【入】【商】【场】，【开】【始】【扫】【荡】【物】【资】。 【跟】【着】【莫】【言】【珅】【一】【群】【人】【的】【还】【有】【几】【个】【年】【轻】【人】，【据】【说】【他】【们】【都】【是】【激】【发】【了】【异】【能】【的】【异】【能】【者】。 【当】【然】，【祁】【懿】【也】【在】【其】【中】。 【大】【概】【是】【因】【为】【她】【是】【这】【二】【十】【人】【的】【队】【伍】【里】【唯】【一】【的】【女】【生】，【所】【以】【站】【在】【那】【里】【特】【别】【显】【眼】。 “【真】【意】？” 【祁】【懿】【似】【乎】【这】【个】【时】【候】【才】【看】【到】【澜】【韶】【妧】，【现】【实】【一】【脸】【意】【外】
【第】379【章】【打】【破】【落】【石】【阵】 【刘】【一】【刀】【点】【了】【点】【头】【道】：“【这】【样】【吧】，【你】【们】【在】【这】【里】【吸】【引】【他】【们】【的】【注】【意】。【我】【从】【那】【边】【山】【壁】【上】【爬】【上】【去】。【他】【们】【自】【然】【就】【顾】【不】【上】【丢】【石】【头】【了】。【这】【阵】【也】【就】【破】【了】。” 【沈】【煜】【道】：“【可】【是】【这】【山】【壁】【如】【此】【陡】【峭】，【你】【如】【何】【爬】【上】【去】【呢】？” 【马】【崇】【圣】【笑】【道】：“【山】【壁】【虽】【然】【陡】【峭】，【可】【是】【要】【上】【山】【顶】【却】【又】【有】【何】【难】？” 【刘】【一】【刀】【道】：“【马】【道】【长】
【明】【天】【开】【业】，【程】【家】【超】【市】【总】【部】，【程】【风】【再】【做】【最】【后】【的】【动】【员】。 【所】【谓】【招】【聘】【员】【工】，【就】【是】【把】【之】【前】【的】【优】【秀】【员】【工】【都】【找】【了】【回】【来】。 【会】【议】【室】，【员】【工】【们】【统】【一】【着】【装】，【神】【清】【气】【爽】【斗】【志】【昂】【扬】。 【扬】【眉】【吐】【气】【的】【时】【刻】【终】【于】【到】【了】。 【对】【于】【他】【们】【来】【讲】，【谢】【客】【超】【市】【是】【敌】【人】，【正】【是】【因】【为】【谢】【客】，【他】【们】【才】【会】【失】【去】【最】【宝】【贵】【的】【工】【作】。 【台】【上】，【只】【有】【程】【风】【一】【人】。 【环】【顾】